Who owns June 4th?

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Category: History

Created on Wednesday, 13 June 2012 00:00

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Who owns June 4th?

Something strange has happened to June 4th over the years since the day it was immortalised as an important historical date in 1979. Speaking on various radio stations in the run up to the controversial 33rd anniversary, Mr. Kofi Adams, the suspended Deputy General Secretary of the NDC who is also a Special Aide to former President Jerry John Rawlings, many times used the word “we” to denote what a group of people, including himself, had done in preparation for the Aflao celebration. For example, he said on Peace FM: “We have spoken with the Paramount Chief of the Traditional Area”, “We have already sought police permission…” Who exactly are the “We” in the Adams discourse?

{sidebar id=11 align=right}On the face of it, the “We” should be the National Democratic Congress, whose Constitution claims June 4th as the Party’s provenance. However, as we all know, the “official” NDC, which suspended Adams, virtually dissociated itself from the June 4th rally at Aflao.

This means that the “We” probably refers to either the Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings wing of the party or the office of the former President, which employs Mr. Adam. The NDC will probably say that there is no Konadu faction but it will be hard to convince anyone that her faction does not exist.

It is now equally difficult to say that the NDC party as a whole agrees that June 4th continues to be as important as it was vaunted to be in the past.

It now appears that former President Rawlings and his household and office, rather than the party as a whole, have appropriated June 4th as a personal symbol and resonance of what the former President claims to stand for. No one can blame President Rawlings for feeling protective of the legacy of June 4th, or even for feeling that the day belongs to him.

{sidebar id=10 align=right}In truth, he may not have claimed it; it has been thrust on him by default or national acclaim, for the annual ritual of “boom speeches” if for no other reason.

Back when the NDC was being formed, it must have seemed like a good idea to source its umbilicus to June 4th, although it is also possible that this idea could have been the singular brainchild of the Founder. It has served the former airman well by giving him a separate platform on which to extend his battery life beyond his constitutional mandate, assuming anyone expected Rawlings to shut up after his presidency ended.

But until now, it was not obvious that this was more a personal and political platform for Rawlings instead of one that meant the same to the NDC as a party. On recent evidence, it can be said that June 4th was never a serious issue for most members of the NDC.

The question is this: How did such an important historical event come to be owned so exclusively by one political party, or even one political family?

The answer can be supplied by one simple fact: June 4th has been misread as a historical phenomenon for a long time and in the process, June 4th myths have supplanted facts, and the wonder is how academia and the media have allowed this to happen.

This is not to argue that Rawlings was not central to the June 4th story. He was. Obviously, the motivation for the troops getting out of the barracks on June 4th was to free Rawlings from detention at the Special Branch (now BNI) for leading the aborted 15th May uprising. Obviously, therefore, Rawlings, despite being central to the drama that unfolded subsequently, could not have been the “architect” of June 4th.

{sidebar id=12 align=right}Unfortunately, over the years, the idea has taken hold in the public imagination that Rawlings planned and executed the June 4th Uprising.

The issue though is not about who planned and executed the Uprising. Rather, the focus should be on the historicity of June 4 within the country’s larger chronological narrative. What produced June 4?

Did Jerry Rawlings and Co simply wake up one morning and decided to “do” June 4? Rawlings and Co caused the June 4th Uprising at the tail end of a relentless display of discontent by all sections of society against the political and economic policies of the Supreme Military Council (SMC).

In January 1972, Colonel Kutu Acheampong seized power from the Busia government and installed his National Redemption Council in power. This was composed of young officers who without espousing any specific ideology, made efficiency and the need to grow our own food the cornerstone of its policies.

In 1975, the top brass of the military staged a quiet coup and put themselves in power as the SMC pushing out the mildly nationalist NRC into the background.

Things went pretty downhill, especially with the economy in tailspin. The reasons for this are complex but not the subject of this article. Under pressure, General Acheampong (he had promoted himself and all his cronies) decided to replace the known constitutional arrangement with something known as Union Government packaged to be an inclusive government of the military, police and civilians.

A referendum was held to test public opinion on the issue. The referendum was a farce. If anything, it showed that Acheampong did not know how to rig elections.

Protests in the form of demonstrations, strikes and even sabotage ensued. Students, civil servants, workers, doctors, teachers, engineers, the business community, and all manner of people apart from the few who benefitted from the regime, joined the protests.

The military mainly supported Acheampong and his cronies as far as we could glean from their public behaviour, although many soldiers privately were sympathetic to the dissidents. In July 1978, Acheampong was replaced in a palace coup by General Akuffo and it is instructive to recall that Flt Lt. Jerry John Rawlings was the young officer who led General Akuffo to inspect the guard of honour at the airport on the latter’s only foreign trip as Head of State to Senegal.

University campuses, not the barracks served as the cradle of the revolution that everyone expected. The People’s Movement for Freedom and Justice was formed in 1977 as a coalition of those who opposed the SMC. It was led by Professor Adu Boahen with Nana Akuffo Addo as the General Secretary but it was a broad-based group which had in its ranks people of all political shades and opinions.

However, many groups operated underground on campuses, workplaces and in the military. Some were linked in a network although in the main, they were independent of one another.

It was during this ferment that the late General Akwasi Afrifa predicted in a letter to Acheampong that one day soon all senior military officers would be rounded up and shot. Afrifa was not alone in prophesying apocalypse sooner than later. He was rounded up and shot.

In a sense, almost the entire country expected something to happen although no one could have known the form it would take. Obviously, a military solution was always in the offing and students in particular goaded and needled young military officers into doing something.

The need for that something receded somewhat from early 1979 because the regime under General Akuffo had already announced elections to return the country to constitutional rule. June 4th was therefore a response to the people’s call for dramatic change.

In the course of the tumult and agitation that preceded it, people confronted the regime in diverse ways and some lives were lost. By the time June 4th occurred, the political battles had been fought and won not by soldiers but civilians.

June 4th therefore is a very important date in Ghana’s history and significant because it was the culmination of a long period of protests by a large section of society, including many conservative elements who would normally baulk at the idea of revolution.

Former President Rawlings and his friends are right to tie June 4th to the need for accountability because that was also the rallying cry of those who confronted the SMC for four years before 1979.

The historical essence of June 4th should therefore be seen in a clearer perspective and not to be confused with what happened on that day and subsequently.

The nation must deal with June 4th in that way because although it is now a divisive issue, back then in 1979, even a bewildered nation knew why it had happened. June 4th had no political programme and the limited nature of its self-declared mandate can be gleaned from the term “house cleaning” which was used to describe its purpose.

People who supported it are today found in all political parties, but more importantly, June 4th was the product of a historical period and process to which several people and parties can lay claim.

Ghana and Ghanaians as a whole should own June 4th, which is perhaps the message of boom speeches past and present.

Therefore, the idea is that the entire nation could observe June 4 as National Accountability Day.

By Kwasi Gyan-Apenteng

This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. kgapenteng.blogspot.com

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CPP launches election manifesto

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Category: Politics

Created on Wednesday, 13 June 2012 00:00

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CPP launches election manifesto

{sidebar id=11 align=right}The Convention People's Party (CPP) Tuesday became the first political party to launch its manifesto for the 2012 presidential and parliamentary elections with a focus on social transformation, a sustainable economy and social justice.

Dubbed the “CPP’s S-cube Programme to Get Ghana Working Again”, the manifesto aspires to ensure a coherent approach to the management of the socio-economic policies of Ghana.

The party also seeks to have Parliament adopt a long term national development plan that will be known as Ghana at Seventy Five; A Roadmap to High Income Status.

{sidebar id=10 align=right}The 20-page abridged version of the manifesto was launched at the Agbogbloshie Market in Accra.

The launch which also coincided with the 63rd birthday anniversary of CPP drew hundreds of party supporters and sympathisers clad in party paraphernalia.

The party used the occasion to also launch its community health treatment programme where more than 500 market women at Agbogbloshie were offered free health screening and medication.

Outlining some key areas in the book, the campaign committee chairman, Dr Kweku Osafo, said the manifesto centred on policies that aimed at developing the economy, particularly raising the standard of living of the citizenry.

He explained that, the manifesto had been designed to address the monetary and fiscal policies, managing an oil and gas economy, industrial policy, agriculture and rural transformation and infrastructure development.

The party bigwigs who graced the launch were the flag bearer, Dr Abu Sakara, the National Chairperson, Samia Yaba Nkrumah, General Secretary, Ivor Greenstreet and Communications Director, Nii Armah Akomfrah.

Also in attendance were Prof Agyemang Badu Akosa, a leading member of the party, and the acting Youth Organiser, Kadir Abdul-Rauf.

Addressing the gathering, an apparently elated Dr Sakara promised to restore what he described as the country’s lost national pride “which has made Ghana lose its international reputation as a beacon of hope on the African continent”.

According to him, since 1966, Ghana’s economy had suffered from bad policy decisions emanating from what he said was ineffective leadership by the NPP and NDC.

‘’ We will pursue food security by investing in a modern food production method. We will encourage, through incentive systems, private investment in manufacturing aimed at replacing imports wherever and providing job opportunities’’.

According to Dr Sakara, the CPP government would work with and re-orient the Bank of Ghana to ensure that employment creation remained a key monetary policy objective.

"A CPP government will ensure that banks bring down interest rates to realistic levels. We shall not determine interest rates for the banks but shall take actions, including legislation, to ensure that interest rates are reasonable.”

For her part, Ms Nkrumah called on Ghanaians, particularly the youth, to have confidence and faith in the leadership of the party, giving the assurance that the CPP would restore hope and vision to the people.

She said the CPP laid the foundation stone for Ghana’s economic development which she noted had suffered badly under the leadership of the NPP and NDC.

"Enough is enough, we cannot continue to sit down and watch the country’s economy suffer at the hands of our leaders whose only aim is to fill their own pockets," she said.

Ms Nkrumah said the leadership of the CPP would not fail the country if given the mandate to rule the nation, stressing "CPP will take the responsibility to ensure that the standard of living of Ghanaians is improved".

"Under its social transformation initiative, the CPP is convinced that the depth of the moral decay and indiscipline in the society needed to be corrected if the country wants to implement any policy to improve life and reduce poverty," she stated.

She said that “In recent years, our country has seen an increase in corruption, partisanship and indiscipline. We believe the absence of a national set of core values have contributed to the degeneration.”

With its sustainable economic policy, the manifesto depicts that the current economic structure has failed to focus on the future needs of Ghana. According to it, the country is not earning enough foreign exchange from its major exports to meet the extravagant import habit.

“CPP believes the role to dignity and respect for Ghanaians and the eventual emancipation of people of African descent begins with self determination. We believe we must practice self reliance and pursue self sufficiency if we are to attain both economic and political freedom,” it stated.

Under its social justice policy, the party is convinced that the availability of food at affordable prices, access to good health, provision of affordable housing are basic rights that every Ghanaian deserves.

“We regard quality education as a means of creating equal opportunity for all and we shall use it as an instrument to make our country an equal competitor with the rest of the world,” it stated.

Source: Daily Graphic

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Minority Leader cries foul over 45 new constituencies

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Category: Politics

Created on Wednesday, 13 June 2012 00:00

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Minority Leader cries foul over 45 new constituencies

{sidebar id=11 align=right}The Minority Leader Osei Kyei Mensah-Bonsu is questioning the creation of new constituencies which was necessitated by the creation of new districts in the country.

The Electoral Commission is planning to add 45 more constituencies to the existing 230 following the creating of new district by the government.

Article 47(5) of the 1992 Constitution mandates the EC to “review the division of Ghana into constituencies at intervals of not less than seven years, or within 12 months after the publication of the enumeration figures after holding of a census of the population of Ghana, whichever is earlier, as may, as a result, alter constituencies”.

Whilst conceding that the action by the EC is grounded in law, Mensah-Bonsu was quick to add the phenomenon lends itself to abuse by political heads.

“I agree that is also a constitutional requirement, but just doing that will not meet what the constitution provides. Otherwise, you can have any president who would, out of whatever reason other than equity, create districts to suit his own purpose and then force the hand of the EC to create constituencies to favour a particular political party. It appears that is what we are witnessing,” he was speaking Joy News’ Jefferson Sackey.

The EC, in 2004, increased the number of constituencies from 200 to the current 230.

Osei Kyei Mensah-Bonsu said the EC must determine what the population quota is, “so we know how many constituencies ought to be created in which areas.”

“…A district created needs a constituency but it cannot be allowed for a situation a constituency with 20,000 people is represented by one person with another constituency with 200,000 people is represented by one Member of Parliament. That situation does not obtain anywhere in the world,” he argued.

From: Nathan Gadugah/Myjoyonline.com

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Arrest Betty, Duffuor, in 5 days or… AFAG warns government

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Category: Elections & Governance

Created on Tuesday, 12 June 2012 00:00

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Arrest Betty, Duffuor, in 5 days or… AFAG warns government

Pressure Group Alliance for Accountable Governance (AFAG) has issued a five day ultimatum to government to arrest former Attorney General Betty Mould Iddrisu and Finance Minister Dr Kwabena Duffour.

{sidebar id=11 align=right}The group is also asking the government to dismiss deputy Attorney General, Ebo Barton Oduro all of who they claim are directly responsible for the payment of 51 million cedis to Alfred Woyome.

At a press conference in Accra, Tuesday, the group said if government failed to take action it will mean the presidency is complicit in the Alfred Woyome judgement saga.

Joy News’ Hannah Odame who was present at the conference reported the Group’s spokes person as saying the president appointed the three officials to act on his behalf so if they are left off the hook in this judgement debt saga it will mean the state is unwilling to prosecute the case.

They warned if government failed to act in five days they will have no option but to embark on series of demonstrations across the country.

From:Nathan Gadugah/Myjoyonline.com

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