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The Brief History of The Ga Peoples
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The Brief History of The Ga Peoples
HISTORY & TRADITIONS- Re External Influence on Ga Society and Culture: The English; probably might pride themselves of and indeed feel lazy in learning other European Languages all because of their dominant language in global affairs but they can hardly escape the dilutions of French words such as restaurant and rendezvous, in their vocabularies. Who; then, are the Tarbons, Alatas and Otublohums of Ga Mashie when we attempt to write or gossip about Ga History?
Asante Fordjour
ABSTRACT
From the mystical Akan historical accounts of the Ga peoples; and not until I had the privilege of reading from Professor Irene Odotei (External Influence on Ga Society and Culture), all that I knew about Nkranfuo [the Gamee] was the empirical belief that their ancestors, mysteriously, fled from Ilfe, in the ancient Nigeria, in their columns like soldier-ants along the Gulf of Guinea to their present settlements, in a date which is hard to be traced. As Professor Odotei (ibid) forcefully points out, “so far no definite date has been established for the first migration into the Accra plains. However, as early as 1557, Ga Mashie had already developed a well-organised trading system.” Having accepted that in examining the true historical triumphs of the Ga country and its peoples, some historical events remain unchallenged: Like many emerging smaller states surrounded by powerful neighbours, during state formation, the Gas did not escape the threats of cultural dilutions and contaminations. They were once defeated and ruled by the Akwamus (1680-1730); the Akyems (1730-1742) and the Asantes (1742- 1826). It was the alliance of the British and indigenous coastal forces that kicked out the Asantes in the Battle of Dodowa in 1826. Notwithstanding their historical tribulations as a smaller State, by their names; cultures, traditions, national contributions and the reoccurring socio-economic complaints and probably, unattended grievances, the woes of the Ga peoples, could be perhaps, summed up as one of unfortunate or self-inflicting- at least, as peoples who have been at the forefront of Gold Coast’s socio-political realignment and self-determination.
INTRODUCTION
There had been [reoccurring] reported sorry state of the Ga State and the feared scenario of its bonafide Ga Language, on the ebb of extinction due to massive occupation of various ethnic groups, especially, the Akan peoples- many of whom their preferred spoken languages in Accra, to the dismay of the “puritan traditional Ga”, had always been the Akan Languages, instead of learning the indigenous Ga Language. So who could actually be called a pure Ga? In the words of Professor Odotei, “oral traditions collected by various authors indicate that most of the Ga peoples trace their origins to the east of the Accra plains. A section of Osu trace their origin to Osudoku in the Adanme area. Sections of Ga Mashie trace their origins as Far East as the southern part of modern Nigeria, though so far no confirmatory evidence has been established for this. According to oral traditions, the migration of the various groups of Ga-speakers into the Accra plains took place at different times. Before the Ga speakers moved into the Accra plains, there were people living there in scattered farmsteads. These people were absorbed by the Ga-speaking people. The Kpehi of Tema and other Guan groups are said to be among the earliest groups who lived in the Accra plains.” Others posit they are one of the cherished lost sheep of Israel. The Gas are yes, diverse peoples. So why worry if settlers, without offence, decide to communicate in a language they feel comfortable?
COMMENTARY
For most international relations students; it could be remembered that the dilemma in battle defeats or conquests and occupation- directly or indirectly, in the process of state formation and/or building, alter many facets of victim’s cherished purified cultures and traditions- even where the occupation had been for a minute or microseconds. So, international relations scholars have come to terms that in their efforts to [over]protect what appear on the surface as their own- being it history, culture, or lifestyle, closer inspection might shockingly or uncomfortably reveal to them something foreign. Probably, this might be well supported if we were to consider this from Professor Irene Odotei:
“...After the defeat of Asante in 1826, the British began to consolidate their power on the Gold Coast in general. In 1850, they bought the Danish forts and possessions and in 1872 the Dutch possessions on the Gold Coast. This left the British in sole charge of the Ga littoral...The abolition of slave trade in the nineteenth century also opened new opportunities in Accra which included the settlement of the Brazilian freed slaves in Accra. These are the Tarbon of Ga Mashie. For example, the Otublohum of Ga Mashie originally settled in Accra as representatives of the Akwamu government. A section of the Alatas of Ga Mashie came as slaves and servants from Moure on a fishing expedition to La and stayed permanently. The Anehos of Osu and La came to seek the alliance of the Ga in a civil war in their town, Aneho. They decided to stay when they realised that the Ga were reluctant to help them.” In our globalized world, who dare you to tag a citizen as slave?
Some Ga peoples believe that they were part of Israel- migrating from south through Uganda, then along the Congo River, westward through Cameroon, Nigeria, Benin, Togo and finally to Greater Accra. “What can be said without qualms is that the Ga people were not stable, but dynamic and engaged in the very common phenomenon of migration- the Homowo [Passover] festival had its origin in such migration... the second divide of belief attributed the unleavened com bread to that of Jewish unleavened flour bread as the ritual food, the red clay painted at the door posts and the way the people eat in hurry during the festival are linked to the traditions of the Jewish Passover feast.” But like the said Ewe-Israeli ancestral links, this one too, I have difficulty to accept whole-heartedly in that we know that Israelis cherish their blood bond. This had been shown in Operation[s] Moses (1984) and Solomon (1991), where the Israeli regime airborne their starved cousins from Abyssinia.
Yes, Professor Adu-Boahen(1975) sates that the Ga-Adangbe differ not only linguistically but also culturally from the Akans. While the Ga-Adangbe/Ewe adheres to a patrilineal system, among the Akans; brothers and nephews on the mother’s side and not sons inherit property. It is argued that whereas the systems of marriage and the naming of children are uniform among the Akans, this differs from the traditions virtually common to the Ga-Adangbe and Ewe peoples. Thus while the Akans; Dagomba, Mamprusi and the Gonja, had always lived in centralised states under clan head bound together by kinship ties and chiefs, it was only later that nearly all the Ga-Adangbe and the Ewes of who lived in small communities under clan or lineage heads and traditional priests, adopted the institution of chieftaincy from the Akan peoples. Professor Odotei argues that the influx of non-Ga immigrants affected the composition of Ga traditional society which is, still the We- an ancestral house to which all those who trace descent through the male line of a common ancestor belong.
“Every We has its own set of personal names. It was in the We that a child was welcomed into the world through the custom of kpojiemo (outdooring), marriage transactions are made in the We and it was in the We that a member was laid in state and the last rites performed for him when he dies. Every office among the Ga was, and still is, vested in the We, and it is members of the We who decided who should hold office, subject to the approval of elders of the town.” The Ga peoples also traded with Dutch, English, Swedes, Danes, French and what Professor Odotei describes as a host of interlopers of all nationalities. The following forts: Crevecoeur (the Present Ussher fort), James Fort and Christiansborg, belonging to the Dutch, English and Danes, had been respectively, built.
According to the Prof, the change in economic policy from free trade to the protectionist policy which the Ga peoples dictated brought them into conflict with their neighbours- notably, the Akwamu- former vassals of the Ga, who defeated the Ga in 1680. With this loss some of the Ga with their king fled from Accra and founded another state with its capital Glidzi across the Volta in the modern republic of Togo. Among other towns founded by the Ga was Aneho.
“From 1680 onwards, it became the practice of the Ga to seek refuge with their kinsmen in this new state whenever they faced difficulties in Accra. Some of the Ga who left for Glidzi also returned to seek help from the Ga in Accra in the eighteenth century but ended up staying in Accra permanently.” To many history enthusiasts, this Accra- Glidzi or Gold Coast-Togo connections from Professor Irene Odotei, might not be overly circumstantial. I have a friend who prefers his name to be spelt and called Ampofu; instead of the traditional Ampofo. Although, a Voltarian in relation to Ghana’s current geographical map, by the Ampofu’s own ancestral history, he could be probably, more of Asante in origin [and specifically, from Asante Mampong] than some sections of the contemporary Asantes at Adum, Asafo, Kwaaman or Kumawu, all in the heart of Asanteman? Baafuor Ossei-Akoto has this to say when he wrote about a brief history of the Akwamu people:
“Most of the present Akuapems still have their roots at Akwamufie especially those bearing the names Addo and Akoto or from the Aduana family. Nana Ansa Sasraku [King of Akwamu] also played an important role in the life of the King Osei Tutu of Asante. He protected him from the Denkyiras and when he was called to take over the Kwaaman stool Nana Ansa Sasraku provided him with 300 Asafomen from Akwamu to guide him to Kwaaman. When Nana Osei Tutu arrived, he gave all the men to Kwaaman Asafohene and they became citizens of Asafo... According to oral tradition, the whole structure of the Asante army that was started by Nana Osei Kofi Tutu l and helped the Asantes through many wars, was a replicate of the well organised Akwamu army. Nana Osei Tutu was also assisted by the Anumfuo (later Adumfuo) [Abrafuo] who accompanied him from Akwamu, in execution cases. A large number of the Asantes of today originated from Akwamu especially, people from Asafo, Adum and sections of people from Bantama and Barekese.”
Down-town Accra; the Ga, adopted a policy of incorporating immigrants into the governmental machinery. For example, the Anehos of La were, in the words of Professor Irene Odotei; given the post of mankrado and the Abese-Fante, that of Woleiatse (chief fishermen). Immigrants could also attain certain positions through achievements. “The Alata provide a good example- as servants of the English company, they acquired wealth and certain skills which made them influential member of the society... by mid-18th century, [and]one Cudjoe was referred to variously as English company slave and English company linguist. In his capacity as linguist of the English, his influence became tremendous, especially in the section of Accra under the English, i.e. James Town. Later on he was referred to as Caboceer Cudjoe. These findings are supported with the quoted oral tradition below:
“Traditional accounts indicate that the first Alata mantse was called Wetse Kojo, who had a mantse’ stool carved for him by one Otublafo of Otublohum and adopted the Akan custom of odwira. Kojo eventually superseded the mantse of Sempe, the original rulers of James Town... In a case of D.P. Hammond vs Mantse Ababio and others, the Alata mantse Kojo Ababio IV declared: my predecessors in title have been recognised as Mantse and in going to war, he always went in front of them. Kojo Ababio became so power-drunk that he refused to accept that Sempe had a right to elect a mantse for her own akutso...The head of Sempe was the Mankralo of the Alata...This so infuriated the representative of the Sempe that at a Commission of Enquiry in 1907, he asked, I am a Ga, did come from Lagos and make me mankralo here? Can you who say you are a stranger make me mankralo? Ababio withdrew his claims, but Sempes refused to accept the Alata mantse as the mantse for the whole James Town, although the Government continued to recognise him as such.”
Although Prof Irene Odotei writes that the Gas have a system of adoption which extends its branch to the children of couples of alien origins as far as the law of succession among the Ga tribe proper [ie. La and Nungua], is concerned, inter-marriage between patrilienal Ga women and the matrilineal Akan created nervousness in the mind of the Puritan Ga. The Akan political arrangements appear to have had serious influence on the Ga peoples too. “The Ga towns were divided into lineage groups under the leadership of wulomei (singular Wulomo ‘priest’) who were in charge of the lineage god (jemawong)... With the separation of the religious from the secular authority, the Ga began to adopt certain characteristics of Akan chieftaincy...This explains why, as Nketia stated, the speech mode of drumming associated with the Ga court is invariably Akan (Twi, Fante)... The horn language of the Ga chief is also, with a few exceptions, mostly Akan. For example, the horn the Akamanje Mantse sounds: Onipa nni aye; Onipa nni aye, Onipa to nsu mu a ma onko, Aboa to nsu mu a yino kodi.”
This is explained as follows: “Man is ungrateful; Man is ungrateful, If a man falls into a river, let him drown; If an animal falls into a river, take it out to eat.” In the words of Prof Odotei, the Wei from which the mantse is chosen is known as the jaase [Akan- Gyaase], whose function is to protect the king or Omanhene and perform menial tasks for him. “A war captain among the Ga is known as Asafoiatse derived from the Akan Asafo (war company), and the asafo songs are mainly in Akan. The Akan military organisation was copied haphazardly by the Ga... These (Ga) stools are arranged for military purposes in groups or wings and from the fact that Twi words are used to describe such divisions... Evidence of its application was conflicting and somewhat meagre, but this may be attributable form Rouna the stool of the Ga Mantse... Those of Alata, Sempe and Akumanji the left wing, those of Osu, La, Teshie, Nungua and Tema, the right wing.” But this is not all- religiously, the Israeli descendants have Kple and kpagods which are Ga and Obutu (Awutu), Me gods which are of Adanme origin, Otu gods which are Fante and Effutu and Akong gods which are Akuapem.
It might be of interest to learn that when the mediums of these gods are possessed, kple medium, per Prof Odotei, speaks Ga, Me medium speaks Fante and Akrong medium speaks Akuapim Twi. “Evidence that the Ga always leave room for reverence and incorporation of other gods is seen in the text of the libation of the wulomei. After offering drink and asking for blessing from their gods they add[ this in Ga Language]: Milee nmaa kulibii Ayibo; Ni male nye yibo, Keje Lanma keyashi Ada Shwiloo, Keje wuoyi keyashi namli, Bibii ke ewuji fee abanu eko, Nii nyeke joomo juro ajoo wo.” Prof Odotei translates these in English as follows: “I do not know the number of grains of millet; Therefore I do not know you number, From Lanma to Ada Volta, From the north to south, Come to drink both great and small, And shower us with good blessings.” The illustration here is that many supporting evidence as far the corruption of the Ga Language are concerned is cited. Yet it might be simplistic if not erroneous if the Akan is to predict the extinction of the Ga Language.
According to Odotei, other languages such Ewe, Hausa and those of European origins, have also contributed words such as Aboo ‘garden’ in Ewe, and Abotsi ‘friend’ in Hausa. The cited examples: Sakisi saks (Danish) scissors; klakun klakun (Danish) Kalkoen (Dutch) turkey; Duku Doek (Dutch) Scarf; Flonoo Forno (Portuguese) Owen; Atrakpoi Trappe (Danish) Stairs. On entertainment, it is said that Ga recreational music such as asoayere and adowa are entirely in Akan, whilst others like tuumatu, kaadiohefeosee, siolele, adaawe and kpanlogo which are Ga, often include words or lines in Akan and occasionally other languages, such as Ewe and English. The Akan might yes, boast of its linguistic might over its territorial space and landholdings but what makes its cultures attractive? Not until recently, I never knew that the Ga town- Pokuase, was founded by a man named [O]poku?
Prof Irene Odotei is right: The external factor is crucial element in the development of Ga society and culture... [and] The reaction of the Ga went beyond mere tolerance and the desire for more to join them as expressed in their libation prayer- “Ablekuma aba kuma wo- May strangers come to settle among us.” So, Kormantse na Abandzefo, what are the true origins of your twin-towns?
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No commentsIs the Ga language extincted?
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Is the Ga language extincted?
By Allotey, Henry Kpakpo
I sat in a minivan popularly called trotro from Tema to Kaneshie in Accra. A few minutes into the journey, the driver’s mate who has been speaking the Ga language with his driver turned to us to collect the lorry fare. ‘Yes’ ‘yes’ he was telling us to bring out our money to pay for the fare. Surprisingly, this driver’s mate who was speaking impeccable Ga with the driver a few minutes ago was now speaking Twi with us the passengers for his fare. Annoyingly too, his twi was the halting type, not pleasing to the ear at all.
{sidebar id=11 align=right}When somebody, probably a Ga man shouted at him to stick to the Ga language and spare himself the heartache, a woman with a bleached face told the man to shut up; asking if everybody understands the Ga language and to put an icing on the cake inferred that the man is blind for not recognizing the death of the Ga language! This undoubtedly generated a huge storm in the van but that is not the subject of my article.
I am wondering why anybody will dispute that the Ga language is comatose, almost dead. I have continually asked myself whether there are intellectuals among the Ga people. The Gas have almost become like a people without a leader. No body to speak for them, nobody to defend and preserve their culture. I will strongly prove why the Ga language is extinct or to put it mildly, comatose!
There are over 20 Radio stations in Greater Accra alone and numerous rural ones. Among the over 20 Radio stations in Accra, you have just 10% of it being English language driven, 85% being Twi language driven and the rest being other languages. Surprisingly, Greater Accra being the home of the Gas, we have just a single Radio station that is exclusively Ga language driven. The funny part is this, even with that single Radio Station that broadcasts exclusively in Ga, it was set up by the State and not individuals. Can you imagine and comprehend the disgrace that the Ga land has been subjected to? All the Akan Language driven Radio stations were set up by individual businessmen but the single Ga Radio station was set up by the state! So by inference, there is not a single capable Ga person who can set up a Radio Station exclusively for the Ga people!
The Despite Group of companies own 3 radio stations in Greater Accra and they all broadcast exclusively in Twi. The Multimedia Group also own severally Radio stations in Greater Accra and they all broadcast in either English or Twi. So goes for the others.
So I ask, what is wrong? Why is nobody setting up Radio stations that will broadcast exclusively in the Ga language? Of course, no businessman will put his money where he or she wouldn’t get his returns. These smart businessmen know that the Ga language is dead. If they set up Radio stations that targets only the Ga community, their investment will go down the drain. They know that even the average Ga person will rather speak Twi than speak his own language.
Go to most Ga homes, you will find them listening to Oman FM, Peace FM, Hello FM, Asempa FM or Hot FM. Hardly will you find them listening to Obonu FM or Meridian FM which broadcast’s in Ga. You will see able bodied Ga people pouring praises on Twi speakers like Abeiku Santana, Fiifi Banson, Kwame Sefa Kai etc while their own people who run the show in Ga Radio stations are not even mentioned.
Listening to the morning shows on various radio stations is heartbreaking for the Ga person. A Radio presenter that has a story concerning a Minister or MP will call the person during the show and demand his explanation on the story published. Most of these interactions take place in Twi. If the person does not understand the Twi language so well, he will then be asked to speak English.
Once Professor Mike Ocquaye was called on a show and this Ga Professor was speaking halting Twi. What prevented Professor Mike Ocquaye from speaking his own language? If you have come to Greater Accra for the first time, you will think it is an extension of the Ashanti Region. All businesses are conducted in Twi but the most serious of it all is what I am coming into.
Do you know that in some basic schools in Greater Accra the Ga language is no longer taught as a subject? Yes you heard me right; the Ga language is no longer taught as a subject! In place of the Ga language, the Twi language is now being taught as a subject. Ga teachers have now become jobless and are now being replaced by Twi teachers teaching Ga kids Twi! In our own land, our language is no longer being taught our kids. Our kids are now being taught other languages not their own!
My heart bleeds for my people. I shed tears every day for the deplorable state the Gas are in now. In time past, we have all tribes learning the Ga language in our schools. I remember those days when some of us will collect toffees and biscuits as bribes in order to teach our Akan brothers and sisters Ga. But things are different today. It is rather our Akan brothers and Sisters who are now taking bribe from Ga kids to teach them Twi in our own land!
Our destiny is gone! Our pride as Gas is gone! Very soon, very very soon, the Ga language will become like Latin where only the old speaks. Our Youths no longer speak the language. They rather prefer to speak Twi and be accepted than speak Ga and be laughed at.
Who caused this? Why is the Ga language in such a deplorable state? Why are our people not speaking the Ga language? Have Londoners lost their unique assent because London is the capital of Great Britain? Are the Hausas not speaking the Hausa language because Abuja is the capital of Nigeria? Are the Akans in Abidjan not speaking their language because Abidjan is the capital of Cote D’voire? So why is Accra different?
Accra is different because our intellectuals, Chiefs and all who matter are busy chasing the political class for a morsel of bread. They are so interested in the crumbs that fall from the table of politicians to bother about the future match of their people. They live in the affluent part of Accra and are so removed from their people to know what is going on. Our Chiefs are only interested in selling lands and engaging unemployed Ga youths as land guards. Our own Ga Professors are embarrassed to speak the Ga language. How many Ga books are there? If they cannot even set up a single Ga language Radio station, then you know there is no hope for the Ga person!
Will the Ga language survive? I only hope it will!
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The Story of Adanse Akrokeri (PART 2)
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The Story of Adanse Akrokeri (PART 2)
NANA ASARE BEDIAKO: He was a warrior King with exceptional ability to organize his people for warfare; he conquered Ntiamoa Amankuo of the Beretuo family who lived at Abusa near Dompoase, and made him head of the Akwamu Wing – his descendants still enjoy this privilege.
5. NANA ASARE BUTUO: He was modest, and had the most peaceful reign.
6. NANA ASARE KUMANIM: He evacuated with his people to ATUASE near the confluence of the Offin and Oda rivers (Adaboye); he introduced the musical play ‘amanmehwe’ or Atopre, performed for criminals awaiting execution; while at Atoase the Tekyiman under Ameyaw Kwakye (1712-1740) was attacked by Asante through Baafo Pim, the traitor.
7. NANA ASARE MINTIM: He spent most of his time on the battlefield, accompanied by his son, Awarade Basa.
8. NANA OTIBREKO ASARE: He amassed wealth and besides was so powerful that he fought the Denkyira hence, Mumumfi, without success. After his death the sword of Authority (‘Afena Kwao’) was handed to Awurade Basa thus all resident in Adanse transferred their alliance to him. The story is that Awurade had as his chief spokesman, Nkrafo (or Mfoafo) through whom he exercised his authority. He was intolerant to his subjects who were apprehensive to mention his name except that of his Okyeame. This gave rise to the saying ‘Yekase Nkrafo (Mfoafo) nsoyene Awarade Basa’, meaning ‘We complain against Nkrafo (Mfoafo) but we mean, however, Awarade Basa himself’. Be that as it may, Awarade Basa’s otherwise prosperous reign was marred by only one disaster. He marched against the eight Denkyirahene, Boadu Akafu Brempon, who completely destroyed Adanseman.
9. NANA OBEN ADUA: This time matrilineal system was ushered in. He continued to rule at ATUASE.
10-26. Little is known about the successive rulers.
27. NTORI BONKYI: He amassed great wealth, and he was able to pay ransom for his subjects in exile to enable them return home. HE MADE SEVERAL REGALIA WHICH EARNED HIM THE HONOUR OF REFERRING TO THE PRINCIPAL stool of Adanse - ‘Ntori Bonkyi Agua’.
28. DWAPANIN AFARI: In his reign the Denkyira moved from Tutumbe to the western border of Adanse and founded their famous capital Abankesieso by the Oda River near the present village of Abuakwa; he also became of solid gold.
29. ANTWI SAMPA PANIN: Through the recommendation of his hunters he made exodus with his people from Nyantaso, and established on the bank of the Akyerekyere Stream. It is the name of this stream with has been corrupted to AKROKERI and from which the settlement derived its name.
Finally, the policy of Nana Owusu Sampa III was essentially the continuation and fulfilment of the wishes of his predecessors that the occupant of the “Ntori Bonkyi Stool” occupies his proper place in society of chieftaincy and to regain its lost glory. Apparently, the restoration of the independence of Akrokeri from the subordinate position under Fomena was the object of this progressive chief. To achieve this, he forwarded a Resolution dated August 16, 1910 to the Fomenahene Kwabena. Fori through the Provincial Commissioner, Kumase, since he is reckoned among the principal Stools of clans in Asante (qv. Busia K.A. “The Position of the Chief in the Modern Political System in Ashanti”, 1958. P. 215).
Subsequently, in February, 1958, the Kwame Nkrumah Government elevated the status of the Akrokerihene to that of paramountcy”. This, according to Nana Owusu Sampah III, was based on history and traditions of the people. But in 1966, immediately after the Nkrumah government was toppled by the “Armed Forces and the Police”, the National Liberation Council (NLC) deemed the elevation of some chiefs traditionally unconstitutional, and without precedence. By decree, ‘Chieftaincy (Amendment) Decree No. 112 of 1966’, many Paramount Chiefs which included the Akrokerihene were degraded. He reverted to the subordinate rank of Ohene.
In pursuance of the Decree the Akrokerihene and his twenty-seven chiefs on December 22, 1966, petitioned the NLC through the Asantehene to confer upon Akrokeri State paramount Status to serve directly under the Asantehene.
Nana Owusu Sampah III, devoted much energy to the development of the state. In his reign was the establishment of a Teacher Training College in modern buildings. A Health Centre was built by the Government. He agitated for the insertion of the right of Akrokeri in the Ashanti Goldfield. Concession Agreement of 1987, and in pursuance of the Obuasi Concession, Nana Owusu Sampah III, in his capacity as the land owner, elected Kwasi Afoakwa as the Odikro of Obuasi.
The Story of Adanse Akrokeri (Part I)
*Source:The Spectator, Saturday, November 3, 2012, Page: 31
Who is Dr. Kwame Nkrumah?
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Who is Dr. Kwame Nkrumah?
Kwame Nkrumah 21 September 1909 - 27 April 1972, was an influential 20th century advocate of Pan-Africanism, and the leader of Ghana and its predecessor state, the Gold Coast, from 1952 to 1966.
In 1909, Kwame Nkrumah was born to Madam Nyaniba in Nkroful, Gold Coast Nkrumah graduated from the prestigious Achimota School in Accra in 1930, studied at a Roman Catholic Seminary, and taught at a Catholic school in Axim. In 1935 he left Ghana for the United States, receiving a BA from Lincoln University, Pennsylvania in 1939, where he pledged the Mu Chapter of Phi Beta Sigma Fraternity, Inc., and received an STB (Bachelor of Sacred Theology) in 1942. Nkrumah earned a Master of Science in education from the University of Pennsylvania in 1942, and a Master of Arts in philosophy the following year.
While lecturing in political science at Lincoln he was elected president of the African Students Organization of America and Canada. As an undergraduate at Lincoln he participated in at least one student theater production and published an essay on European government in Africa in the student newspaper,The Lincolnian.
During his time in the United States, Nkrumah preached at black Presbyterian Churches in Philadelphia and New York City. He read books about politics and divinity, and tutored students in philosophy. Nkrumah encountered the ideas of Marcus Garvey, and in 1943 met and began a lengthy correspondence with Trinidadian Marxist C.L.R. James, Russian expatriate Raya Dunayevskaya, and Chinese-American Grace Lee Boggs, all of whom were members of a US based Trotskyist intellectual cohort. Nkrumah later credited James with teaching him 'how an underground movement worked'.
He arrived in London in May 1945 intending to study at the LSE. After meeting with George Padmore, he helped organize the Fifth Pan-African Congress in Manchester, England.
Then he founded the West African National Secretariat to work for the decolonization of Africa. Nkrumah served as Vice-President of the West African Students' Union (WASU).
Over his lifetime, Nkrumah was awarded honorary doctorates by Lincoln University, Moscow State University; Cairo University in Cairo, Egypt; Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland; Humboldt University in the former East Berlin; and other universities. Return to the Gold Coast.
In the autumn of 1947, Nkrumah was invited to serve as the General Secretary to the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) under Joseph B. Danquah. This political convention was exploring paths to independence. Nkrumah accepted the position and sailed for the Gold Coast. After brief stops in Sierra Leone, Liberia, and the Ivory Coast, he arrived in the Gold Coast in December 1947.
In February 1948, police fired on African ex-servicemen protesting the rising cost of living. The shooting spurred riots in Accra, Kumasi, and elsewhere. The government suspected the UGCC was behind the protests and arrested Nkrumah and other party leaders. Realizing their error, the British soon released the convention leaders. After his imprisonment by the colonial government, Nkrumah emerged as the leader of the youth movement in 1948.
After his release, Nkrumah hitchhiked around the country. He proclaimed that the Gold Coast needed "self-government now", and built a large power base. Cocoa farmers rallied to his cause because they disagreed with British policy to contain swollen shoot disease. He invited women to participate in the political process at a time when women's suffrage was new to Africa. The trade unions also allied with his movement. By 1949, he organized these groups into a new political party: The Convention People's Party.
The British convened a selected commission of middle class Africans to draft of a new constitution that would give Ghana more self-government. Under the new constitution, only those with sufficient wage and property would be allowed to vote. Nkrumah organized a "People's Assembly" with CPP party members, youth, trade unionists, farmers, and veterans. They proposed called universal franchise without property qualifications, a separate house of chiefs, and self-governing status under the Statute of Westminster. These amendments, known as the Constitutional Proposals of October 1949, were rejected by the colonial administration.
When the colonial administrator's rejected the People's Assembly's recommendations, Nkrumah organized a "Positive Action" campaign in January 1950, including civil disobedience, non-cooperation, boycotts, and strikes. The colonial administration arrested Nkrumah and many CPP supporters, and he was sentenced to three years in prison.
Facing international protests and internal resistance, the British decided to leave the Gold Coast. Britain organized the first general election to be held under universal franchise on 5-10 February 1951. Though in jail, Nkrumah's CPP was elected by a landslide taking 34 out of 38 elected seats in the Legislative Assembly. Nkrumah was released from prison on 12 February, and summoned by the British Governor Charles Arden-Clarke, and asked to form a government on the 13th.
The new Legislative Assembly met on 20 February, with Nkrumah as Leader of Government Business, and E.C. Quist as President of the Assembly. A year later, the constitution was amended to provide for a Prime Minister on 10 March 1952, and Nkrumah was elected to that post by a secret ballot in the Assembly, 45 to 31, with eight abstentions on 21 March. He presented his "Motion of Destiny" to the Assembly, requesting independence within the British Commonwealth "as soon as the necessary constitutional arrangements are made" on 10 July 1953, and that body approved it. Independence.
As a leader of this government, Nkrumah faced three serious challenges: first, to learn to govern; second, to unify the nation of Ghana from the four territories of the Gold Coast; third, to win his nation's complete independence from the United Kingdom. Nkrumah was successful at all three goals. Within six years of his release from prison, he was the leader of an independent nation.
At 12 a.m. on 6 March 1957, Nkrumah declared Ghana independent. Nkrumah was hailed as "Osagyefo" - which means "redeemer" in the Twi language.[6] On 6 March 1960, Nkrumah announced plans for a new constitution which would make Ghana a republic. The draft included a provision to surrender Ghanaian sovereignty to a union of African states. On 19, 23, and 27 April 1960 a presidential election and plebiscite on the constitution were held. The constitution was ratified and Nkrumah was elected president over J. B. Danquah, the UP candidate, 1,016,076 to 124,623. In 1961, Nkrumah laid the first stones in the foundation of the Kwame Nkrumah Ideological Institute created to train Ghanaian civil servants as well as promote Pan-Africanism. In 1963, Nkrumah was awarded the Lenin Peace Prize by the Soviet Union. Ghana became a charter member of the Organization of African Unity in 1963.
The Gold Coast had been among the wealthiest and most socially advanced areas in Africa, with schools, railways, hospitals, social security and an advanced economy. Under Nkrumah's leadership, Ghana adopted some socialistic policies and practices. Nkrumah created a welfare system, started various community programs, and established schools. Politics He generally took a non-aligned Marxist perspective on economics, and believed capitalism had malignant effects that were going to stay with Africa for a long time. Although he was clear on distancing himself from the African socialism of many of his contemporaries; Nkrumah argued that socialism was the system that would best accommodate the changes that capitalism had brought, while still respecting African values.
He specifically addresses these issues and his politics in a 1967 essay entitled "African Socialism Revisited": "We know that the traditional African society was founded on principles of egalitarianism. In its actual workings, however, it had various shortcomings. Its humanist impulse, nevertheless, is something that continues to urge us towards our all-African socialist reconstruction.
We postulate each man to be an end in himself, not merely a means; and we accept the necessity of guaranteeing each man equal opportunities for his development. The implications of this for socio-political practice have to be worked out scientifically, and the necessary social and economic policies pursued with resolution. Any meaningful humanism must begin from egalitarianism and must lead to objectively chosen policies for safeguarding and sustaining egalitarianism.
Hence, socialism. Hence, also, scientific socialism."[7] Nkrumah was also perhaps best known politically for his strong commitment to and promotion of Pan-Africanism. Having been inspired by the writings and his relationships with black intellectuals like Marcus Garvey, W. E. B. Du Bois, and George Padmore. With perhaps Nkrumah's biggest success in this area coming with his significant influence in the founding of the Organization of African Unity. Economics Nkrumah attempted to rapidly industrialize Ghana's economy.
He reasoned that if Ghana escaped the colonial trade system by reducing dependence on foreign capital, technology, and material goods, it could become truly independent. Unfortunately, industrialization hurt the country's cocoa sector. Many economic projects he initiated were unsuccessful, or with delayed benefits. The Akosombo Dam was expensive, but today produces most of Ghana's hydroelectric power. Nkrumah's policies did not free Ghana from dependence on Western imports.
By the time he was deposed in 1966, Ghana had fallen from one of the richest countries in Africa, to one of the poorest. Decline and fall to power. In 1958 Nkrumah introduced legislation to restrict various freedoms in Ghana. After the Gold Miners' Strike of 1955, Nkrumah introduced the Trade Union Act, which made strikes illegal. When he suspected opponents in parliament of plotting against him, he wrote the Preventive Detention Act that made it possible for his administration to arrest and detain anyone charged with treason without due process of law in the judicial system.
When the railway workers went on strike in 1961, Nkrumah ordered strike leaders and opposition politicians arrested under the Trade Union Act of 1958. While Nkrumah had organized strikes just a few years before, he now opposed industrial democracy because it conflicted with rapid industrial development. He told the unions that their days as advocates for the safety and just compensation of miners were over, and that their new job was to work with management to mobilize human resources. Wages must give way to patriotic duty because the good of the nation superseded the good of individual workers, NKrumah's administration contended.
The Detention Act led to widespread disaffection with Nkrumah's administration. Some of his associates used the law to arrest innocent people to acquire their political offices and business assets. Advisers close to Nkrumah became reluctant to question policies for fear that they might be seen as opponents. When the clinics ran out of pharmaceuticals, no one notified him. Some people believed that he no longer cared. Police came to resent their role in society. Nkrumah disappeared from public view out of a justifiable fear of assassination.
In 1964, he proposed a constitutional amendment making the CPP the only legal party and himself president for life of both nation and party. The amendment passed with over 99 percent of the vote an implausibly high total that could have only been obtained through fraud. In any event, Ghana had effectively been a one-party state since becoming a republic, but the amendment transformed Nkrumah's presidency into a de facto legal dictatorship. Nkrumah wanted Ghana to have modern armed forces, so he acquired aircraft and ships, and introduced conscription. He also gave military support to those fighting the Smith administration in Zimbabwe, then called Rhodesia.
In February 1966, while Nkrumah was on a state visit to North Vietnam and China, his government was overthrown in a military coup, which was backed by the CIA.[8][9][10] Today, Nkrumah is one of the most respected leaders in African history. In 2000, he was voted Africa's man of the millennium by listeners to the BBC World Service. Exile, death and tributes Nkrumah never returned to Ghana, but he continued to push for his vision of African unity. He lived in exile in Conakry, Guinea, as the guest of President Ahmed Sékou Touré, who made him honorary co-president of the country.
He read, wrote, corresponded, gardened, and entertained guests. Despite retirement from public office, he was still frightened of western intelligence agencies. When his cook died, he feared that someone would poison him, and began hoarding food in his room. He suspected that foreign agents were going through his mail, and lived in constant fear of abduction and assassination.
In failing health, he flew to Bucharest, Romania, for medical treatment in August 1971. He died of skin cancer in April 1972 at the age of 62. Nkrumah was buried in a tomb in the village of his birth, Nkroful, Ghana. While the tomb remains in Nkroful, his remains were transferred to a large national memorial tomb and park in Accra. Wikipedia
Source: ModernGhana, 21 September 2009
Swaziland vote unlikely to usher in change
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Swaziland vote unlikely to usher in change
King Mswati III rules Swaziland like a dictator, ruthlessly persecuting and imprisoning his opponents. Few believe Friday's elections will inch the country any closer to democratic governance.
Thousands of young women, bare-bosomed in short skirts and festively clad in the national colors of blue, yellow and red, are singing and dancing for King Mswati III. The monarch is wearing his regalia: three red feathers which adorn his hair.
Reed dances are a tradition in Swaziland. They are a well-established tourist attraction and you can find videos of them on YouTube.
After one such spectacle at the weekend before the elections, King Mswati III decided to expand his harem. An 18-year-old girl who has just finished school was selected to be his fifteenth wife. If Mswati has a wish, it is fulfilled. The 45 year-old monarch has ruled the tiny kingdom bordering on South Africa and Mozambique for 27 years and parliamentary elections on Friday (20.9.2013) are unlikely to change this.
Elections no indication of democratic reform
"We live in an absolute monarchy and the king has absolute power," said Maxwell Dlamini, secretary general of the Swaziland Youth Congress and a pro-democracy activist. He told Deutsche Welle that the elections are just a process in which the people of Swaziland are being used. "It's an attempt to try and persuade the international community that we have credible elections here in Swaziland," he added.
The elections have very little in common with democracy as practised in the West. Political parties are banned. The king declared that the biggest opposition party Pudemo, which operates from neighboring South Africa, was a terrorist organization.
At the elections, aspiring MPs stand as independent candidates. They have the backing of local leaders, usually loyalists. Ten of the 65 MPs are appointed directly by Mswati, the remainder need his approval before they can take up their seats. The king also determines occupancy of two thirds of the senate, decides who becomes prime minister, a member of the cabinet or a top judge. Parliament has virtually no powers. Mswati is the executive, legislature and judiciary rolled into one.
King persecutes dissidents
There has been a monarchy in Swaziland since 1815 and it is deeply ensconced in local traditions and culture. Mswati enjoys playing the part of spiritual leader of his 1.2 million subjects. At the beginning of September, he proclaimed that Swaziland was now a "monarchic democracy." He said he had been ordered to make this move by God during a thunderstorm. One of his spokesmen later proclaimed there had been "a marriage between the monarch and the ballot box."
Resistance to the monarchy leads nowhere as Maxwell Dlamini has discovered through personal experience. "The king cannot cope with public criticism and that's why people are always being arbitrarily detained, tortured or forced into exile," he said. Dlamini himself has just been released on bail. "I was put in prison on two completely abstruse charges," he said. The rights group Amnesty International has also repeatedly criticized the violation of human rights in Swaziland. Journalists and critics of the King are intimated, persecuted and incarcerated.
Dlamini organized a demonstration against the king back in April 2011. It was hardly a mass rally, just the first protest of its kind, inspired by the Arab Spring. One of the protestors' main grievances was the unremitting poverty in the country. Mswati does not only exercise political power over the country, he also has a stranglehold on its economic life. "He describes himself as the owner of the country," said Marcus Schneider who monitors events in Swaziland for Germany's Friedrich Ebert Foundation. He told DW: "The king controls 60 percent of the land himself. That's where the rural population live and they make up three quarters of the total. They have no land rights whatsoever and could be driven away at any moment."
HIV and poverty widespread
Swaziland is one of the ten poorest countries in the world and two thirds of the population eke out an existence on less than a dollar a day. Financially, the country is dependent on transfers from abroad, mostly from South Africa. Sugar exports are suffering from a drop in prices on the world market. Corruption is widespread and every third Swazi is infected with HIV - that's the highest infection rate anywhere in the world.
The king meanwhile lives a life of luxury. He has 13 palaces, a private jet and a Maybach luxury limousine. According to Forbes magazine, he occupies 15th place in the ranking of the world's wealthiest monarchs. But why does one hear so little about Swaziland? "There are very few countries that have economic interests here. Swaziland is small, not really present in the international arena," said Schneider. "At the same time, it is a brutal dictatorship, but not quite brutal enough to generate the sort of pictures that would cause an international furore. That's why this crisis lacks an international dimension," he explained.
However South Africa watches Swaziland very closely. The regional economic powerhouse could bring diplomatic pressure to bear on its tiny neighbor, but does not wish to jeopardize stability in the region. Schneider believes that the majority of Swazis won't bother to go out and vote on Friday, especially as the opposition has called for a boycott.
Date 19.09.2013
Author Julia Hahn / mc
Editor Susan Houlton
Source: Deutsche Welle